Speed Over Substance: Who is Really Writing the Laws?
Developments in the National Assembly and legislative activities over the past year have revealed a growing pattern of “lightning-speed” lawmaking.
Developments in the National Assembly and legislative activities over the past year have revealed a growing pattern of “lightning-speed” lawmaking. [1] This raises a troubling question for many observers: Has the National Assembly truly been forced into a passive position, as Chairman Mẫn claims, or is this a deliberately engineered process tied to vested interests?
Laws are enacted to shape the functioning of society. While it is natural for outdated regulations to give way to new ones as circumstances shift, the current legislative processes have become so rapid that the public rarely witnesses normal lawmaking speeds. This inevitably raises doubts about whether specific intentions or schemes are embedded within these processes.
“Vested interests” in lawmaking occur when the invisible hand of a group - whether individuals, organizations, or businesses - bends policy formulation to produce rules that benefit them rather than the public interest. This phenomenon often emerges alongside abuses of power, lobbying, or policy corruption.
It is true that inserting vested interests into legislation occurs even in democracies with advanced legal systems. [2] However, regardless of international comparisons, one basic principle remains: Where there is wrongdoing, it must be corrected. In Việt Nam, this phenomenon has long existed as a form of chronic misconduct that has generated considerable public frustration.
The ease with which vested interests penetrate Việt Nam’s legal system stems from the executive branch's monopolistic grip on the legislative process. The current structure allows the executive to draft laws for National Assembly approval and subsequently use regulatory power to issue detailed implementation guidelines. By controlling both rule-making and rule-interpreting, the executive secures ample opportunity to pursue specific interests.
Naturally, legislators are not so unsophisticated as to openly display any favoritism in the texts they draft. Yet, it is still possible to conceal such intentions by drafting “framework laws” with broad, interlinked provisions and the familiar command: “The Government shall stipulate detailed implementation of this law.”
This functions as an extended arm of the executive branch, opening a gateway for codifying whatever interests they aim to protect. In the end, a closer look reveals that the general law passed by the National Assembly is not what directly governs the legal behavior of subjects in society.
Instead, behavior is governed by instruments hidden behind the façade of “decrees” and “circulars.” Regulatory power becomes the true mechanism that expands the law, transforming these sub-law documents into concrete rules with direct influence over public life.
To illustrate this, consider the silver pheasant case. [3] Government Decree No. 136/2025 authorized the Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development to list endangered species. Consequently, the ministry used Circular 27 to downgrade the silver pheasant from Group IB to Group IIB. [4]
This regulatory shift altered the legal basis for criminal charges under the 2015 Criminal Code, reducing the offense from Article 244 (endangered species violation) to the lighter Article 234 (wildlife protection violation).
Similarly, Decree 168/2024/NĐ-CP was crafted with expedited speed and no urgent context, subjecting the public to sudden, excessive fines and worsening traffic congestion. [5] In both instances, the sub-law decree, rather than the primary legislation (Law on Handling Administrative Violations), was the decisive factor affecting society.
Vested interests in the law often reveal themselves through five key indicators:
Of these, restricting oversight is the most critical precursor. Since vested interests cannot be blatantly stated - declarations such as “Enterprise A has the right to X” are simply not an option - they must be concealed within provisions that subtly disadvantage one party to favor another.
Despite cultural differences, legal systems globally strive for shared values:
The National Assembly’s function is to protect these values. It serves as an internal control mechanism, ensuring that laws are constitutional, consistent, and free from the type of conflicts seen in the silver pheasant case, where circulars overrode decrees.
However, this oversight requires time, effort, and meticulous scrutiny. When the National Assembly is forced into a “rushed mode,” sacrificing quality for speed, it becomes impossible to conduct research or gather public critique.
Consequently, laws pass smoothly, but citizens struggle to adapt. Society is left to spend years correcting the consequences of a hurried vote, often with nothing to show for it but the familiar refrain: “lessons learned.”
The creation of a law at lightning speed inevitably forces the question: Is there an objective, urgent need for it? If no such need exists, a subjective motive among legislators is undoubtedly at play.
Take Decree 168/2024 on traffic regulations, which was justified by the lofty goal of reducing accidents. To verify this necessity, the data must be examined.
From these figures, several observations can be made:
In summary, Decree 168/2024 was rushed into effect with little consideration to address the root causes of the surge in post-pandemic traffic accidents. It was, instead, focused on the penalty fines for common minor violations.
This reveals a legal document that is inflexible; it was ill-suited to the social context and imposed penalties disproportionate to Việt Nam’s economic reality, heavily burdening the poor.
The sudden appearance of this decree suggests that vested interests—disguised as public service—were embedded within it, leading to a chilling conclusion: Laws that appear at breakneck speed are rarely the result of rushed deliberation. They are the products of careful, long-term preparation by someone other than the lawmakers.
Đan Thanh wrote this article in Vietnamese and published it in Luật Khoa Magazine on Nov. 21, 2025. Đàm Vĩnh Hằng translated it into English for The Vietnamese Magazine.
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