Storm and Shake-Up: Tô Lâm Rules Out Local Cadres as Provincial Party Secretaries
Key Events * From Hà Tĩnh to Hà Nội: Typhoon Bualoi Tests Vietnam’s Infrastructure and Crisis Readiness; * Communist Party Chief
Typhoon Bualoi, designated as Typhoon No. 10, has left widespread devastation across central and northern Việt Nam, in what officials describe as one of the most unusual and severe storms in recent years.
The storm, moving at nearly twice the speed of typical systems over the East Sea, reached sustained winds of level 11–12 (up to 150 km/h) and gusts of level 15–16 as it made landfall in central provinces. Bualoi’s violent winds and torrential rain persisted for more than 12 hours, triggering flash floods, landslides, and tornadoes across multiple regions.
According to preliminary government reports, as of Oct. 1, the storm and ensuing floods have killed 29 people, left 22 missing, and injured 139 others. Over 91 houses have been destroyed, nearly 145,000 homes damaged or unroofed, and 21,000 inundated.
Economic losses are estimated at more than 8 trillion đồng ($303 million), with Hà Tĩnh Province suffering the worst impact, accounting for over 6 trillion đồng in damages. Other heavily affected areas include Nghệ An, Quảng Trị, and several northern provinces.
In Ninh Bình, a tornado spawned by the storm in the early hours of Sept. 29 caused particularly heavy casualties, killing nine people and injuring 18, while tearing the roofs off hundreds of homes and damaging public infrastructure.
Meanwhile, the capital Hà Nội experienced severe flooding after prolonged downpours. Tens of thousands of houses were submerged, major roads turned into rivers, and power outages affected large parts of the city. The education sector faced public criticism for failing to announce school closures early, leaving parents stranded in waist-deep waters as they struggled to collect their children amid the chaos.
Authorities have mobilized military and rescue forces to deliver emergency supplies, restore power, and search for missing persons as the country braces for potential post-storm flooding in low-lying areas.
Communist Party General Secretary Tô Lâm has declared that no provincial or municipal Party secretary in Việt Nam will come from their own locality, signaling a sweeping reshuffle of local leadership positions and a renewed push for centralized political control.
Speaking at a voter meeting in Hà Nội last Monday afternoon, Tô Lâm said that recent “serious violations” by local officials stemmed largely from the fact that many provincial leaders were natives of the areas they governed. To prevent future abuses of power, he said, the Party would ensure that no top provincial leaders — particularly Party secretaries — would be assigned to their home provinces.
The policy, however, will not stop there. According to Tô Lâm, the same approach may soon be extended to other key posts such as chairpersons of provincial People’s Committees, heads of provincial inspection commissions, and chief inspectors, as part of what he called an effort to “draw lessons” from recent cases of misconduct.
The statement coincided with a series of rapid personnel reshuffles across the country. Recent Party announcements revealed an extensive rotation of provincial leaders:
According to official announcements, none of the newly appointed party secretaries are natives of their assigned provinces, reflecting the party’s commitment to Tô Lâm’s directive. The only exception is Hoàng Quốc Khánh, the newly elected party secretary of Sơn La, who was chosen by the provincial Party Congress on Sept. 28 rather than by appointment from the Politburo or the Party Secretariat.
Analysts view this reshuffle as part of Tô Lâm’s effort to consolidate authority following his appointment as General Secretary earlier this year, reinforcing central control over local leadership structures and signaling a new phase in Vietnam’s internal political realignment.
The Ministry of Education and Training (MOET) has unveiled a sweeping plan to reorganize the country’s entire education system—from preschools to universities—sparking strong debate, particularly over what officials are calling a “major restructuring” of higher education institutions.
Education Minister Nguyễn Kim Sơn emphasized that while public consultation will take place, implementation is mandatory, not optional. “If we only ask for opinions, the plan will never be carried out,” he said, underscoring the ministry’s firm stance on enforcing the policy.
Under the draft plan, vocational and continuing education centers will be merged into regional vocational secondary schools serving clusters of communes or wards. The goal, according to the ministry, is to streamline administration and improve efficiency across overlapping educational facilities.
The most significant changes, however, will occur at the university level. Except for institutions under the Ministries of Public Security, National Defense, and Foreign Affairs, most public universities currently managed by central and local ministries will be reorganized under the direct management of the Ministry of Education and Training.
Universities specializing in medicine, culture, sports, and tourism will remain under the supervision of their respective ministries.
Critics say the proposed reform could centralize too much power within MOET and overlook the diversity and autonomy needed in higher education. Education expert Đàm Quang Minh argued that Việt Nam’s university system still carries the legacy of a centrally planned model, suggesting that the country could learn from France’s postwar higher education reforms, which promoted decentralization, competition, and institutional independence.
Supporters of the policy, however, say that the current structure—where multiple ministries and provincial bodies control their own universities—has led to fragmentation, inefficiency, and uneven standards across the system.
The proposed overhaul is part of a broader effort to implement a national education master plan, aligned with party and government resolutions on reforming state institutions. If approved, the restructuring could reshape Việt Nam’s higher education landscape for decades to come, redefining the balance between central oversight and institutional autonomy.
Việt Nam is preparing to introduce its first-ever Artificial Intelligence (AI) Law, marking a major step toward establishing a legal framework for one of the fastest-evolving technologies of the 21st century.
Deputy Minister of Science and Technology Bùi Hoàng Phương confirmed that the draft law is currently being developed and will be submitted to the National Assembly for approval by the end of the year. This will be the first time Việt Nam has publicly discussed a national AI legislation.
According to Phương, a central feature of the proposed law will be a risk-based regulatory framework—a system that classifies AI applications by their level of potential harm. High-risk AI systems would be subject to stricter oversight and compliance requirements, while low-risk uses would face fewer restrictions.
The draft also emphasizes support for AI research, innovation, and practical applications, including the use of artificial intelligence to assist in drafting legal and administrative documents. The ministry sees this as a step toward balancing innovation with ethical and security concerns.
The move comes amid a broader national effort to position Việt Nam as a regional leader in digital transformation and AI development. Earlier this year, Đà Nẵng launched a $200 million AI Data Center Project, making it one of the country’s first AI-ready data infrastructure hubs. In August, the Việt Nam AI Academy—a public-private partnership involving the government, academia, and businesses—was inaugurated as part of a high-level Việt Nam–U.S. cooperation program to promote scientific and technological growth.
Globally, only a few countries have introduced comprehensive AI legislation. The European Union’s AI Act, the world’s first attempt to regulate artificial intelligence, has sparked both praise and controversy for its stringent risk-based approach.
If Việt Nam’s bill is passed, it would become one of the few nations in Asia with a dedicated legal framework for AI governance, reflecting both its ambition and caution in embracing the technology’s transformative potential.
Vietnamese activist Trịnh Bá Phương has reportedly been denied his right to appeal, a fundamental safeguard under both Vietnam’s Criminal Procedure Code and Article 14(5) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). After his September trial, his wife was told Phương was “no longer in prison” but “under court custody,” leaving his whereabouts unknown and blocking access to legal counsel. Rights observers say this tactic—shifting custody between the court and prison system—prevents timely appeals, mirroring past cases such as Phan Kim Khánh in 2017. Human rights groups urge Việt Nam to restore Phương’s legal rights and end the systematic isolation of political prisoners.
Việt Nam has selected Red Rain (Mưa Đỏ), directed by Đặng Thái Huyền and co-written with novelist Chu Lai, as its official entry for the 2026 Academy Awards in the Best International Feature category. The film dramatizes the 81-day defense of Quảng Trị Citadel in 1972, one of the Vietnam War’s fiercest battles. Since its release earlier this year, Red Rain has shattered records, grossing 714 billion đồng and selling over 8.1 million tickets, making it Vietnam’s highest-grossing film ever. The Oscar shortlist will be announced Dec. 16, followed by final nominations on Jan. 22, 2026.
The Politburo has recommended that the Central Committee discipline Đỗ Trọng Hưng, former party secretary of Thanh Hóa Province (2020–2024) and now the deputy head of the Central Organization Commission, amid an ongoing political upheaval in the province. Hưng is accused of violating anti-corruption and anti-waste regulations, as well as Party rules on conduct and personal integrity, causing what authorities describe as “very serious consequences.” The proposed sanctions range from removal from his current post to expulsion from the Communist Party, marking another high-profile case in Vietnam’s widening political crackdown.
The Ministry of Justice has proposed that provincial police forensic units be authorized to conduct injury assessments, in addition to their current responsibilities for criminal forensics and autopsies. The proposal is part of the draft amendment to the Law on Judicial Expertise. While some lawmakers support the plan as a move toward administrative “streamlining,” others have raised concerns over conflicts of interest. Critics argue that injury assessment is a medical field, and allowing the police to both investigate, request, and perform forensic evaluations could compromise impartiality and transparency in criminal investigations.
The Ministry of Public Security has proposed assigning digital identification codes to every building and location nationwide under a draft decision on spatial identification submitted to the prime minister. Each site would receive two codes: an “administrative code,” containing local administrative symbols, and a “digital ID code” that includes details such as address, postal code, coordinates, ownership, land-use certificates, and usage status. The data would be integrated and shared across national databases.
During his visit to the United Arab Emirates, Deputy Prime Minister Nguyễn Hòa Bình met with Richard Teng, CEO of Binance, and invited the world’s largest cryptocurrency exchange to open a headquarters in Đà Nẵng. Bình also proposed that Binance collaborate with Việt Nam’s International Financial Center to develop a regulated digital asset trading platform and personally invited Teng to serve as a senior advisor to the project. Việt Nam’s digital asset transactions currently exceed $600 million per day, and the Finance Ministry is seeking approval to allow the Đà Nẵng financial center to pilot regulated cryptocurrency and digital asset exchanges.
The Vietnamese Magazine/Nguyễn Trường Giang/Oct. 3
“This dual strategy is a direct reflection of Việt Nam’s broader identity. It does not choose sides between Washington and Beijing. Instead, it uses its geography to buy time, build resilience, and create space for independent action. In international relations terms, Việt Nam is not simply a rule-taker. It is cautiously becoming a rule-shaper, embedding its geography into the regional order through both assertion and persuasion.”
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