Catholic Church and Việt Nam: Is Coexistence Possible?

The survival of Catholicism in Việt Nam is undoubtedly one of the most significant challenges the Church is facing in Asia today. Introduced in the 16th century by Portuguese, Spanish, and Dominican missionaries, the Catholic Church experienced significant growth in the 17th century, driven in part by Jesuit missionary activity, among which Alexandre de Rhodes emerged as a particularly influential figure. 

De Rhodes contributed to the creation of the romanized Vietnamese alphabet (chữ Quốc ngữ), which replaced traditional Chinese characters and Vietnamese-developed characters, which were in use before this time. 

Despite periods of tolerance, the Catholic faith was subjected to severe persecutions, especially between the 18th and 19th centuries under the Nguyễn dynasty, leading to the martyrdom of tens of thousands of faithful: between 130,000 and 300,000 Catholics lost their lives, and 117 of them were canonized as Vietnamese martyrs by John Paul II in 1988.

In the 20th century, the Catholic community endured the dramatic events of French colonization, the division of the country in 1954, and the Vietnam War. After reunification in 1975 under the Communist regime, the Church faced significant restrictions, expropriations, and state controls, while remaining active through catechists and parish structures.

Today, with approximately 7 million faithful (about 7% of the population of over 100 million), Việt Nam hosts the fifth-largest Catholic community in Asia and one of the most dynamic, characterized by a high number of priestly and religious vocations and annual baptisms (over 100,000).

Structured into three archdioceses (Hà Nội, Huế, and Hồ Chí Minh City) and 24 dioceses, the Vietnamese Church contributes significantly to the country's social development through educational, healthcare, and charitable works.

Relations between the Catholic Church and the Vietnamese state, historically strained over issues of religious freedom and episcopal appointments, have experienced a progressive thaw in recent decades. 

In December 2023, Pope Francis appointed Archbishop Marek Zalewski as the first Resident Papal Representative in the country. Subsequently, regular meetings of the Việt Nam-Holy See Joint Working Group have increased. 

A bilateral mechanism was established to discuss issues related to relations between the two entities, including religious freedom, the situation of the Catholic Church in Việt Nam, and potential steps toward full diplomatic relations. 

The latest meeting, the twelfth, was held on Sept. 12, 2025, in the Vatican, co-chaired by Monsignor Mirosław Wachowski (under-secretary for relations with states of the Holy See) and Vietnamese Deputy Foreign Minister Lê Thị Thu Hằng.

Although full diplomatic relations have not yet been established, these developments signal a phase of openness that reflects the determination of the Catholic community and its role in the context of a rapidly modernizing Việt Nam. 

To better understand this phenomenon and the relations between the two entities, we conducted an email interview with Father Anh Q. Tran, S.J., Associate Professor of Historical and Systematic Theology at the Jesuit School of Theology of Santa Clara University.

1) What do you consider the most enduring ties that today still connect the Catholic Church in Việt Nam with its Jesuit origins?

When people ask about the Jesuit roots of the Catholic Church in Việt Nam, I usually point first to how deeply the Jesuits helped shape the Church as a local community from the very beginning.

Jesuit missionaries arrived in central Việt Nam in 1615 and in the north in 1627. For about the first 50 years, they carried most of the responsibility for the mission. They founded Christian communities, built churches, and—crucially—worked closely with local people, training catechists who would later become the first Vietnamese priests. 

What I find especially striking is that the Jesuits quickly realized that the Church in Việt Nam could not survive if it depended entirely on foreign missionaries or political protection.

One of the most important figures here is Alexandre de Rhodes—often mistakenly described as French, though he was actually from Avignon and of Jewish origin. He urged Rome to appoint missionary bishops so that the Church could be led by Vietnamese clergy and catechists rather than remain dependent on outside powers. 

That vision of a locally rooted Church has had a lasting impact. The Jesuits themselves were absent from Việt Nam for a long period after the worldwide suppression of the Society of Jesus.

When they returned in 1957, it was at the invitation of both the local Church and the government of South Việt Nam. Their role was not about reclaiming influence, but about serving where the need was greatest—especially in the education and formation of future priests and church leaders. 

If I had to sum up the Jesuits’ enduring legacy in Việt Nam, I would highlight four areas.

First, Jesuit missionaries played a key role in developing the Romanized Vietnamese writing system, known as quốc ngữ (the national language), which later became the national script. 

Second, they helped establish a strong tradition of lay catechists, which laid the groundwork for a native clergy. 

Third, they contributed significantly to the intellectual and spiritual development of Vietnamese priests, particularly through St. Pius X Pontifical Seminary between 1957 and 1976. 

Finally, in more recent decades, Jesuits have supported the spiritual renewal of priests and religious through retreats and the Spiritual Exercises. 

Even today, that Jesuit influence continues in quiet but meaningful ways. Jesuits serve as spiritual directors and formators in major seminaries in northern Việt Nam, including Hà Nội and the northern city of Vinh, helping shape leaders who are deeply rooted in Vietnamese culture while remaining connected to the wider Catholic tradition.

2) How would you describe the evolution of the relationship between the Vietnamese state and the Catholic Church from the Nguyễn dynasty’s persecutions in the 19^th century to the current situation?

The relationship between the Vietnamese state and the Catholic Church has been shaped by a long history of misunderstanding, political conflict, and gradual accommodation.

From the beginning, Catholics were often viewed with suspicion by the Vietnamese court, largely because Christianity was perceived incorrectly as demanding loyalty to a “foreign God” and a “foreign ruler,” a misunderstanding of the role of the papacy. 

This suspicion deepened in the nineteenth century, when growing anti-Western sentiment intersected with internal royal rivalries within the Nguyễn dynasty.

Under Emperor Minh Mạng, and later Tự Đức, these tensions hardened into systematic persecution. Catholic communities became entangled in court politics, particularly conflicts involving royal family members who were sympathetic to or rumored to have converted to Christianity. 

Between roughly 1833 and 1862, this led to brutal repression, resulting in the execution of thousands of Catholics—bishops, priests, catechists, and laypeople—many of whom are now remembered as martyrs.

Ironically, the arrival of French and Spanish military forces, followed by the colonization of southern Việt Nam, only worsened the situation for Catholics. Many royal officials and Confucian scholars blamed Catholics for foreign intervention and national humiliation. 

This resentment fueled violent anti-Catholic campaigns, most famously under the slogan Bình Tây Sát Tả (“Pacify the Westerners, Kill the Religion”), during which tens of thousands of Catholics lost their lives. Catholics thus found themselves caught between an imperial court that distrusted them and foreign powers that claimed to protect them.

Even after France established full control over Việt Nam in 1885, tensions did not disappear. While overt persecution largely ceased during the colonial period, deep social prejudice remained. Catholics were often viewed as collaborators, and social boundaries persisted—intermarriage between Catholic and non-Catholic families, for example, was frequently discouraged on both sides. 

The twentieth century added a new ideological layer to these divisions. After the suppression of the Catholic Church in the Soviet Union and later in Communist China, the Holy See adopted a firm stance against collaboration with Communist regimes. This reinforced the perception—especially among Vietnamese revolutionaries—that Catholicism was inherently anti-communist.

In the South, President Ngô Đình Diệm’s Catholic identity further politicized religion, while in the North, after 1954, the Church’s limited cooperation with the Democratic Republic of Việt Nam heightened mutual distrust. 

After reunification in 1975, the Catholic Church entered a difficult period marked by state control, confiscation of church properties, restrictions on seminaries, and tight oversight of religious life. 

Over time, however, especially following the Đổi Mới reforms of the late 1980s, the relationship began to change. The Vietnamese state gradually recognized that Catholic communities were not political adversaries but social partners, particularly in education, healthcare, and charitable work.

Today, while tensions and restrictions still exist, the relationship between the Church and the state is more stable and pragmatic than at any point in modern Vietnamese history. Dialogue has replaced open hostility, and the gradual normalization of relations between Việt Nam and the Holy See reflects this broader shift. What we see now is not full trust, but a cautious coexistence—shaped by history, but no longer dominated by it.

3) From a historical perspective, what have been the biggest challenges and the greatest signs of hope for the Catholic community in Việt Nam in the post-1975 era and in the last decade?

From a historical perspective, the period following 1975 was without question the most difficult era for the Catholic community in Việt Nam since the nineteenth-century persecutions. 

Until the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, the Vietnamese state closely followed a Soviet-style ideology that viewed religion as incompatible with socialism. This outlook did not target Catholics alone; it affected all religious communities, including Protestants and the United Buddhist Sangha of South Việt Nam. Still, the impact on the Catholic Church was particularly severe because of its size, structure, and international connections.

In practical terms, this ideology translated into strict control and systematic restrictions. Many clergy were arrested or placed under heavy surveillance. Religious congregations were dissolved, seminaries closed, and Catholic publications banned. Church-run schools, hospitals, and charitable institutions were nationalized, and large portions of Church land were confiscated.

Even major religious celebrations such as Christmas and Easter were restricted, with limits placed on attendance. Catholic gatherings—even inside churches—were closely monitored. 

During this period, the state did not attempt to eliminate the Church outright. Instead, it allowed the Church to exist with minimal visibility and influence in society. Religious freedom was officially defined as “freedom to believe or not believe,” but not as the freedom to practice religion publicly or institutionally. 

There was also an effort to establish a state-sponsored “patriotic” Catholic structure, similar to what emerged in China. This effort ultimately failed, largely because most Vietnamese bishops explicitly discouraged clergy from participating in government-sponsored bodies such as the Việt Nam Catholic Solidarity Committee or serving as representatives in political institutions. 

A turning point began in the late 1980s and early 1990s, around the time of the fall of the Berlin Wall. As Việt Nam reassessed its place in a changing global landscape, the Holy See actively pursued a policy of rapprochement. Since the 1990s, the Vatican has made sustained efforts to engage the Vietnamese government through quiet diplomacy. 

In recent years, Cardinal Pietro Parolin—first as the Vatican’s chief negotiator and now as secretary of state—has played a key role through regular joint working-group meetings.

Over the past decade, the signs of hope have become increasingly visible. Since 2009, bilateral relations have improved significantly, reinforced by several high-level visits to the Vatican by Vietnamese leaders, including the prime minister and the general secretary of the Communist Party. These developments culminated in 2023 with the appointment of a permanent resident papal representative in Việt Nam—the first since 1975. 

This step reflects a mutual recognition that the Catholic Church can contribute positively to national life, particularly in areas such as social service, moral formation, and community cohesion. 

Challenges certainly remain, especially regarding legal frameworks, property rights, and the limits of religious autonomy. Yet compared to the post-1975 decades, the present moment represents a real shift. 

What we are witnessing is not complete freedom, but a gradual transition from control to dialogue, and from suspicion to cautious trust. For many Vietnamese Catholics, that alone is already a profound sign of hope.

4) Many people outside Việt Nam are surprised to learn that the Catholic Church in Việt Nam is one of the fastest-growing Catholic communities in Asia. Is this true? If so, what factors do you think explain this vitality despite decades of restriction?

It depends very much on what we mean by “growth.” If we look strictly at numbers, the Catholic Church in Việt Nam has not grown dramatically. For roughly the past 150 years, Catholics have made up about six to seven percent of the population, a proportion that has remained remarkably stable. In that sense, Việt Nam is not a story of rapid expansion through mass conversion.

That said, the perception of growth is not entirely mistaken—it reflects a different kind of reality. Historically, there was significant institutional expansion in the South between 1954 and 1975, when the number of dioceses increased from five to fifteen. 

What has changed most visibly is not the size of the Catholic population, but its public presence and vitality.

For many years after 1975, Catholics learned to keep a low profile to survive under a restrictive political environment. Today, they no longer feel the same need to hide their religious identity.

In fact, many Vietnamese Catholics are now openly confident about who they are, including their historical and global connections to the wider Catholic world—connections that were once seen as liabilities but are now increasingly viewed with pride.

Another key factor is the strong communal character of Vietnamese Catholic life. Parishes tend to be tightly knit, with active participation across generations. Vocations to the priesthood and religious life are particularly strong.

When seminaries were gradually reopened in the 1990s and religious congregations were given greater freedom to accept new members, the Church quickly appeared more dynamic—not because it was suddenly larger, but because it was no longer forced into dormancy.

The Vietnamese Catholic diaspora has also played a crucial role in this renewal. Catholics living abroad have provided significant financial, educational, and pastoral support. Many churches in Việt Nam have been renovated or newly built with assistance from overseas communities. 

Seminarians, priests, and sisters have received theological education in places such as the Philippines, Europe, Australia, Canada, and the United States, often through scholarships funded by the diaspora. When they return, they bring not only professional training but also a broader vision of the Church.

Taken together, these factors help explain why the Catholic Church in Việt Nam appears so vibrant today. Its vitality lies less in numerical growth than in resilience, strong communal bonds, abundant vocations, and a renewed sense of confidence after decades of constraint. That combination makes Vietnamese Catholicism stand out within the wider Asian context.

5) Could you share with us your own personal story? How did a young man born in Việt Nam come to the United States and discern a call to the Society of Jesus? And how do your Vietnamese roots continue to shape your ministry and scholarship today?

From an early age, I was drawn quite naturally to the Society of Jesus—its spirituality, its intellectual life, and its commitment to those on the margins of society.

My first encounter with the Jesuits happened in Việt Nam, during my childhood, at the Alexandre de Rhodes Center in Saigon. At the time, I did not yet have the language to describe what I was experiencing, but something about the Jesuit way of being—thoughtful, reflective, engaged with the world—left a deep impression. Years later, after I had left Việt Nam, I encountered Jesuits again in refugee camps in Indonesia. That continuity, even in the midst of displacement, stayed with me.

When I eventually came to the United States, I studied at Santa Clara University, a Jesuit institution, where I completed both my bachelor’s and master’s degrees. Yet it was only later, through a more intentional experience of the Ignatian Spiritual Exercises, that everything came together. At that point, joining the Society of Jesus felt less like choosing something new and more like returning to a place I already knew. In many ways, it felt like coming home.

After five years in the Society, I had the opportunity to return to Việt Nam. There, I reconnected with the small Jesuit presence that had survived decades of suppression. I assisted in various ministries, particularly through teaching theology and offering the Spiritual Exercises. That experience helped me see more clearly how my own vocation was intertwined with the larger story of the Church in Việt Nam.

The Catholic experience in Việt Nam emerges as a long school of creative and silent resilience. Born from an encounter with the West, wounded by persecution, and often regarded with political suspicion, the Vietnamese Church has never really disappeared. Instead, it learned how to grow quietly, relying more on relationships than on structures, more on formation than on power. 

As the Vietnamese state and the Holy See explore new forms of dialogue, this community continues to offer what it has always contributed: deep social roots, moral discipline, and a strong sense of communal responsibility. A reminder that today, in Asia, Christianity endures not by imposing itself but by blending with local cultures.